A Summary of Kurdish Linguistic Problems
In the Light of a Persisting National Question
By : Ismet Sherif Wanli
Lausanne, mid-March 2007
Preliminary Remarks
My name above as author of the present article is written as it should be in the
Kurdish Roman script as modified according to my proposals of June 1992 , while
my usual name as author and Swiss citizen is Ismet Chériff Vanly. Any reference
hereafter to my work as author will be done under the initials ICV.
The reader
would allow me to use, in parts of this paper , the 1st pronoun ‘I’ for recalling
some significant events I have personally experienced . I was advised to write the
paper in English to make it understandable by the largest number possible of educated
Kurds .
This paper is constituted of two parts. While Part II , divided into subtitles,
corresponds to the general topic of the paper, a summary of Kurdish linguistic –
dialectical and alphabetic – problems , posing in the long run the question of unification
of the written Kurdish , in the light of a persisting national question, Part I
, consisting of glimpses of the Kurdish historical and geographical heritage, does
not. It is related neither to today’s Kurdish linguistic problems , nor directly
to the national question. No need, however, to say how fundamental is the historical
and geographical heritage of a nation in the making , for its future. That is a topic
on which , beside a few published articles, I have actually written tow manuscripts,
one already several decades old , typed in French (that I today see as insufficient)
, and the other, written in 2002 in English , which would still need some research
work. I ignore whether I shall have the opportunity to do this research. That is
why these glimpses of the Kurdish heritage figure as Part I of this paper, somehow
by way of ‘introduction’ , or rather a selection about the Kurdish and the proto-Kurdish
past . The selection is presented in bloc , without subtitles ; yet it is easy
to read and it should , hopefully , interest the Kurdish readers.
Part I
Glimpses of the Kurdish Historical and Geographical Heritage
To put it summarily, the Kurds are a large people of the Near East speaking an Indo-European
language belonging to the Iranic family . They inhabit a country called after their
name , Kurdistan , and are heirs to successive ancient civilisations. These include
the proto-Kurdish Hurri-Mitanni civilisation.
The Hurrians were a people native of
the area of today’s Turkish and Syrian Kurdistan - Upper (northern) Mesopotamia and
around - , including the ‘Cedar Mountains’ (the Amanus) near Iskenderun , on the
Mediterranean, the Anti-Taurus half circle, the northern valleys of the Euphrates
and the Tigris Rivers, and the mountainous area around the Lake of Van . They spoke
a language which was neither Semitic , nor Indo-European. They had a pantheon including
the national storm-god of the mountains , Teishup , and his consort Hepa (a mother-goddess),
and a characteristic art of painted ceramics, with colourful birds and flowers .
The Hurrians had a kingdom whose roots go back to the 3rd millennium BC. From the
18th century, large and prosperous Hurrian communities settled in northern Syria
and in present-day Iraqi Kurdistan , area of Kirkuk. By the beginning of the 16th
century BC , if not earlier , the Mitannians , an Indo-Aryan element, settled in
the Hurri country as a ruling aristocracy . They finished by adopting the Hurrite
language , but they brought the Hurrians the horse, the equestrian training, the
use of the horse chariot for warfare and its vocabulary, as well as their Aryan
pantheon , Indra , Mithra, Varuna, Burias, the same as in the Indian pantheon.
The Mitanni kings had their capital at Wasuqani , which some academics identify
with the town of Ras-al-Ain, in the Kurdish part of today’s northeastern Syrian province
of Jazireh (Hasaka) , close to the border with Turkey (see Georges Contenau : La
Civilisation des Hittites, des Hurrites et du Mitanni , Paris, 1948 . ) Another Hurri
kingdom continued to exist on the west of Mitanni and in its shadow, face to the
rising power of the Hittite kingdom of Boghaz-Koy , in Anatolia. The arrival of
the Indo-Aryan element amongst the native Hurrians, bringing a new military technology
, with a body of professional chariot drivers, the Mariani (the same as in India),
was to make of the kingdom of Mitanni , over a short period of hardly two hundred
years (circa 1540-1345) , one of the great powers of the ancient world. We find in
G. Contenau’s work a list of seven successive Mitanni kings , beginning with Parsatatar
and ending with Mattiwaza . They defeated Assyria and reduced it to silence, extended
their supremacy on present-day Iraqi Kurdistan and into the Zagros ; they shared
domination on Syria with the pharaohs of Egypt, with whom they had intermarriage
relationship and a formal diplomatic, yet family, correspondence. Two Mitanni princesses
married pharaohs and became ‘real queens of Egypt’ , writes Contenau . Thoutmès
IV of Egypt (1420-1411) married the daughter of Artatama , king of Mitanni . The
pharaoh Amenophis III sent an ambassador to the Mitanni king Tusratta, demanding
the hand of his daughter , Tadu-Hepa, for marriage. That was followed by a long negotiation
and finally concluded by a marriage and an exchange of letters calling upon gods
as witness . As to Nefertiti , queen of Egypt as wife of Amenophis IV (1375-1358)
, famous for her bust at a musueum in Berlin, there is discussion among scholars
whether she was another Mitanni princess or just her husband’s sister (see Contenau).
The Hurrian language , in cuneiform inscriptions , was deciphered thanks to the diplomatic
correspondence exchanged between the pharaohs and the Mitanni kings, discovered
at Tell-Amarna, in Egypt, and written, for the Mitanni, in both Hurrian and Babylonian
, the latter being the international language of the time. Hurrite inscriptions were
also found at the Hittite Boghaz-Koy. The Mitanni dynasty , under Mattiwaza , succumbed
before the Hittites, who adopted a hostile policy towards the Egyptians, but about
two hundred years later, by the 12th century, the Hittites succumbed themselves
before the wave of the ‘Sea Peoples’ that hit Asia Minor.
See other and more recent
information in : ‘The Hurrians’, by Gernot Wilhelm, transl. into English from German
(Aris & Phillips, Warminster, England, 1994 ; original German pub. in 1989). See
about the social and family life in this proto-Kurdish society, as told by clay tablet
inscriptions discovered in the area of Kirkuk, Iraqi Kurdistan, in ‘The Archive of
the Wullu Family’ , by Katarzyna Grosz, Univ. of Copenhagen, 1988.
The Hurrians represented
only one link in a continued chain of peoples and tribes speaking Japhetic , extending
from the Sind Valley in India to Iberia and the Basque country, across Iran, Kurdistan,
Armenia, Asia Minor, southern Europe , Greece and its islands, and the Etruscans
of Italy . They all spoke kindred languages from the same group, which was neither
Semitic nor Indo-European , but they had two skull varieties , and a matriarchal
family structure (see Roman Ghirshman : L’Iran des origines à l’Islam, Paris, 1951;
Clément Huart + L. Delaporte : L’Iran antique, Elam et Perse , Paris, 1952 ; Georges
Roux : Ancient Iraq, 1966, transl. from French ; Ephraim Speiser : Mesopotamian Origin:
The Basic Population of the Middle East, Philadelphia, 1930.) These languages have
disappeared since long ago , but not without having left a substrata in the languages
that replaced them, to the exception of the Basque people, who still speak a language
, the sole in Europe, which is pre-Indo-European. In the Caucasus , Georgian and
some other languages still belong to the same Japhetic group, whence some call the
group ‘Caucasic’ . The trouble with this designation it reverses the route that culture
had generally followed in its space development, since , for instance , the agricultural
technology and the domestication of animals, which started some ten thousand years
ago at the foothills of Kurdistan, passed from there into the Caucasus, and from
the Caucasus into Russia, but not the contrary ; the same agricultural culture also
advanced westwards across Asia Minor into Europe (see : Michael Roaf : Cultural Atlas
of Mesopotamia and the Ancient Near East , Equinox, Oxford, 1990 ; R. Braidwood +
B. Howe : Prehistoric Investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan , Univ. of Chicago Press,
1960). The linguistic group at stake is also called ‘Asianic’ (not to be confused
with Asiatic) . Yet, although the term Japhetic is merely Biblical , we prefer to
use it as more fitting, and more neutral, than the others . A Semitic language replaced
Japhetic, at an early epoch, in most of the areas of Lower Mesopotamia (future Akkad/Babylonia,
Assyria) , to the exception of Sumer, where Japhetic was still spoken when the culture
of city-states and writing began in the area (by the beginning of the 3rd millennium
BC.)
By the 11th century BC , the Iranic-speaking peoples (Mada/Medians , Perses/Persians,
Haraiva) immigrated into Iran , coming from the plains of southern Russia. They got
mixed with the local Japhetic population during about three centuries (see Ghirshman),
before organising themselves as a political and military power , under the Medians,
to invade the orderly states on their west. In the beginning of the 8th century
BC , two other Iranic-speaking peoples of horsemen, the Scythians (Sakka as they
called themselves, Ishkuzaï in the Bible), followed by the Cimmerians (Gimmerraï
in the Bible, who left their name to Crimea), arrived into northwestern Iran. They
were refractory to union , at least in the beginning, and accomplished, the Sakka
in particular, devastating raids across the old and orderly states westwards, as
far as Asia Minor and Syria . The name of the Sakka survived in Sakkiz, their capital,
‘one of the rare towns of Kurdistan that have kept their ancient name till today’
, says Ghirshman. Sakkiz is located south of Mahabad , in today’s Iranian Kurdistan.
The
‘orderly states’ coveted by the Iranic nations, their eastern neighbours, were
three . In the centre, we had Assyria which, after its liberation from the Hurri-Mitanni
occupation consecutively to the fall of their state by 1345 BC, recovered its independence
and became a mighty and warlike empire, constantly at war to extend its possessions
in the mountains and plains around . On the south we had Babylonia (former Akkad),
which was suffering from Assyrian supremacy. On the north of Assyria, we had a new
mountainous and autochthonous state in the area of the Lake Van , that the Assyrians
called Urartu (whence the name of the Ararat mountain) and resented as a dangerous
enemy. The Urartians called their kingdom ‘the Land of Biaini’ (a name that survived
in Van) , but their ethnic name, as that of their national god, was Khaldi (not be
confused with the ancient Chaldeans of southern Mesopotamia). The Khaldi people spoke
a Japhetic language akin to Hurrian, which was deciphered thanks to the Assyrian
and Van inscriptions. The geographical area of Urartu and around was called in
the Assyrian and Babylonian royal records Subartu , a name that survived in the modern
Kurdish Zibari (close to Barzan , in the northern part of Iraqi Kurdistan). Another
geographical name for the mountainous areas in the Assyrian records was Naïri , which
also survived in the modern Kurdish place-name of Nahri (in the Kurdish Hakkari area
, Turkish Kurdistan , not far from Zibari). The creation of the kingdom of Urartu
, by 860 BC , was due to a local king named Arame , who united other Naïri chiefs
to resist military campaigns by Assyrian kings. Urartu became a powerful and prosperous
kingdom , famous for its city fortresses, built with huge stones, and for its water
dams and irrigation canals for agriculture. Its capital was Tushpa, which is the
fortress of Van . The Urartian art of architecture influenced that of Iran as well
as the classical Greek building art .
Media rose as a Great Power in Iranian Kurdistan
and, in 612 BC , the Median king, Cyaxare , occupied Niniva and destroyed the Assyrian
empire, once for ever, in alliance with Babylonia. Cyaxare advanced westwards across
the former Assyrian possessions, at Harran, into Lydia , in Asia Minor . According
to the peace agreement concluded between him and king of Lydia , says Herodotus,
the western frontier of Media was fixed up on the Halys River , present Kizil-Irmak
. Let us note that , in spite of the changing events of history, the northwestern
edge of the Kurdish inhabited areas in today’s Turkey is on the Kizil-Irmak River
, on the same borderline agreed upon between the kings of Lydia and Media, more
than twenty-five centuries ago (this Kurdish edge being the town of Zara and its
area , between Sivas and Erzinjan, where a Kurdish uprising took place in 1919.)
Shortly after the fall of Assyria, Urartu was eradicated from the world map, by
585 BC, not because of the arrival of the Armenian people into the area, as it was
believed and written till about the 1960s, but its fall was due to the Median army,
supported by the Scythian cavalry , as it is today established by archaeological
excavations (see Boris Piotrovsky , ‘Urartu’ , transl. from Russian, series Archaeologia
Mundi, Nagel pub., Geneva-Paris-München, French ed. ‘Ourartou’, 1970). The northern
Urartian stronghold of Teishebaini , today’s Karmir-Blour , in today’s Republic
of Armenia , near Erivan (Erebuna under Urartu), was forced and burnt in a sudden
attack by the same Medo-Scythians forces, as described in detail by Piotrovsky,
who was an archaeologist and led the excavation on the spot, as director of the
Ermitage Musueum of Leningrad .
The fall of Assyria and Urartu created a ‘vacuum’
that was to be filled . In Xenophon’s Anabasis, book IV, the Greek historian and
general mentions how it was difficult, for his army of ten thousand Greek mercenaries.,
in their retreat from Persia , in 401 BC , to fight their way against the Kardu(kh)
people . These toughly resisted the Greek intrusion in their mountainous country
, overlooking from the south the valley of the Kentrites River (present Bohtan River,
a northern tributary of the upper Tigris, to the south of Lake Van). The final ‘kh’
in Kardu(kh) being a foreign suffix, . it was easy for generations of Europeans
to identify the modern Kurds with the Kardu of Xenophon – although the latter did
not bring us a single word of their language . By the end of the 19th and the beginning
of the 20th century, German academics (Th. Nöldeke, M. Hartmann, Weissbach , C.F.
Lehmann-Haupt) established that the forms of Kardu and Kurd are incompatible phonetically
, said that the Kardu of Xenophon have nothing to do with the Kurds but should have
emigrated northwards to become the southern Kartu(eli) Georgians. It was added that
according to the Georgian tradition , their ancestry came from the south . As to
the modern Kurds’ ancestry, said the same German academics , it is represented by
the Kurti people and other Iranic-speaking tribes who had emigrated from Iran .
Professor Vladimir Minorsky developed the thesis advanced by the German academics
. To put it briefly, he says the origins of the Kurds go back to two kindred Iranic
tribes or peoples, the Kurti and the Mards, who advancing westwards , from Atropatenian
Media, present Azerbaijan, on the steps and under the protection of the Median army
, profited from the fall of Assyria and Urartu to occupy a new homeland (see Minorsky’s
articles ‘Kurds ’ and ‘Kurdistan’ in Encyclopaedia of Islam , 1st edition, and his
paper , ‘Les origines des Kurdes’ , in Travaux du XX° Congrès International des Orientalistes,
Bruxelles, 1938, pub. in 1940) . Although our knowledge of the Median language is
limited to place-names and personal names, Minorsky notices, with reason , the
unity of the Kurdish language , before the expansion of the Kurds over a considerable
mountainous area , can be explained only by the Median/Medic linguistic factor. He
says Kurdish belongs without any contest to the northwestern branch of the Iranic
family , and differences between modern Kurdish and Persian are found in all the
Kurdish dialects . He agrees with Marquart to qualify Kurdish as a ‘Neo-Medic’
language , but admits that the Kurds , in their expansion across the mountains, should
have absorbed some local , that is autochthonous elements. We should observe, however,
that Minorsky wrote his paper and his articles before knowing that the fall of
Urartu was due to the Median-Scythian forces , as established by B. Piotrovsky. Minorsky
supposed, as it was then believed, that the fall of Urartu was due to the arrival
of the Armenians (who are, properly speaking, the Haï/Haic people, see below) , whence
his hindrance as to the ways the Kurdish tribes took in their expansion westwards.
Yet Basile Nikitine (in ‘Les Kurdes, Etude sociologique et historique’ , Paris,
1956) does not hesitate to present Minorsky’s thesis on the matter as being ‘the
Median-Scythian origin of the Kurds’ . See also the present writer : ICV , ‘Regards
sur les origines des Kurdes et leur langue’ ( in Studia Kurdica , Inst. Kurde de
Paris, No. 1-5, 1988.). History is full with events about peoples and tribes arriving
with men,women, children, and flocks of animals into a new homeland, but it is questionable
whether the new-comers could eliminate physically the former inhabitans or if these
were not , more or less , absorbed by the new-comers. We know the Iranic-speaking
nations got mixed with the sparse Japhetic population of Iran , over some three centuries,
before attacking the ‘orderly states’ westwards. Perhaps many of the Kardu of Xenophon
emigrated into Georgia, yet it is difficult to believe that none of them was not
assimilated by the Kurti and other Kurdish ‘Medic-Scythian’ tribes . Anyway, the
Kardu cannot account alone for the origin of the Kurds, nor for the Kurdish language
being Iranic . Besides, they inhabited a too limited geographical area; and fought
on feet , while the classical Kurds were horsemen and expanded over a considerably
larger area.
The Greek geographer Strabo, from Asia Minor, who lived at the time of
Christ (c. 64 BC-AD 21) - and had possibly a Kurti family ascendance , on the part
of his mother - tells in his ‘Geography’ (XI, xiii, 3) that the Kurtians, Mards,and
Kadussians, who live scattered in the mountains of Azerbaijan, Persia and in the
Zagros , and those peoples who have the same names in Armenia (see below as to the
understanding of the name) and in the Niphates (the huge mountain complex of Ala-Dagh
and Tendourek, north and northeast of Lake Van) ‘belong to the same race if we judge
them by their physical features’.
The Greek classical historian Polybius , in his
‘Histories’, mentions the Kurtians (Kurti) , in 220 BC, as mercenaries in the army
of the governor of Media against the Greek Seleucid king Antiochus III. Thirty years
later , the Roman historian Livy (Tite-Live) mentions the Kyrtians as mercenaries
in the other camp, serving the same Antiochus, and, in 171 BC , we find them as
far as Pergamom , the Greek city-state on the eastern Aegean coast , serving its
king as mercenaries . Apparently , these Kurtians were, for a while, a group of
men appreciated as paid professional soldiers , serving the king offering them
the best pay , while their families were left at home . They constituted special
units using the sling as weapon to catapult stones on the enemy, their name in
the sources is mentioned as efficient slingers . Herodotus describes the fighting
tactics of the Zikurtu as slingers in Atropatenian Media, whom he call Sagart ,
who settled in the area of Arbil , on the western slopes of the Zagros, just after
the fall of Assyria. They were to revolt against the Aechemenid Cyrus, under their
king Partatua.
Richard N. Frye , professor of Iranian at Harvard, dedicates his book
‘The Heritage of Persia’ (London, 1962) ‘to my (his) Iranian Friends : Afghans, Baluchis,
Kurds, Ossetes, Persians, Tajiks’ . This does not mean the nations he mentions are
Iranian in today’s understanding of the word ; it means they speak Iranic languages
, abstraction being made of their political condition, somehow as English, Swedish
and German are presented as Germanic languages, or Russian and Polish are Slavic.
Belonging to the northwestern branch of Iranic family , Kurdish had its starting
point in Azerbaijan. This should explain the close historical kinship between Kurdish
and Gileki , the Iranic language spoken (or which was spoken) in Gilan (Guilan ,
area of Recht), on the southwestern mountainous coast of the Caspian.
While the Kurtians
settled in what was to become , perhaps from the 4th century BC, the kingdom of Korduene
(or Kordyen) , roughly in the same area as the former Hurrians, the Mard tribes
settled in the area to the east and north of Lake Van , but were not organized as
a kingdom, living on agriculture and, more especially, on breeding . For Marquart
, quoted by Minorsky, the name of Mard was perhaps just a nickname for the northern
Kurtians , living as wild tribes . As to the Kadussi mentioned by Strabo, they
were apparently to be scattered and lost amongst other tribes.
As in Herodotus ,
the Armenian people were originally a fraction of the Phrygians of western Anatolia.
According to the Armenian traditions, after the destruction of Phrygia, a Phrygian
tribe , or section , led by a legendary chief , the eponymic Haïk , left Phrygia
looking for a new country eastwards to settle. with his people. Whence the national
, or ethnic name of the Armenians as they call themselves, the Haï People, and their
country, Hayastan . The normal and sole path leading from Anatolia to future Hayastan
is
between the Pontic mountains and those overlooking the Upper Euphrates (Qara-Su).
The new Armenian homeland was to be found on the northern bank of the middle Araxes
River and its northern affluents , such as the Garni . All the successive Armenian
capitals , from ancient Artaxata to taday’s Erivan , as well as the residence of
the Armenian patriarchal church, at Etchmiadzin , are found in this area, on the
north of the Araxes , roughly corresponding to present Armenia .This does not mean
the Armenians were to be confined in this area . They had a restless feudal aristocracy,
and their king Tigranes II, was to prove to be ‘the Great’ for a short period , in
the 1st century BC (see below).
Till about the 1960s, all the western , Russian (Minorsky
included) and modern Armenian authors who wrote about ancient Armenian history could
not but suppose it was the Armenians who destroyed Urartu , annihilated or assimilated
the Khaldi people (Urartians) of the ‘Land of Biaini’ , without having any evidence
to tell us how this could have happened . Most of these authors ignored the Kurdish
ancient presence and history . We know today – not only thanks to Piotrovsky – that
history was not true to this hypothesis, the destruction of Urartu, by 585 BC , being
due to the Medians and their Scythian allies, these ancestors, among others more
ancient , of the Kurds, some time before the arrival of the Haic Phrygian Armenians
into Hayastan . If we take the example of René Grousset , French academician and
author of ‘Histoire de l’Arménie , des origines à 1071’ (Paris, 1947), he ignores
practically the Kurdish presence in the area from Antiquity , while he speaks of
the ‘armenisation of Armenia’ (meaning former Urartu, supposed to have been conquered
by the Armenians) . When Grousset comes to the Turkic Saljukid conquest of 1071,
we find him suddenly speaking of the Kurdish Muslim orderly state of the Merwanid
dynasty - corresponding to the ancient Kurdish kingdom of Korduene - , which was
strong and wealthy enough to purchase the life of the Armenian prisoners made by
the Saljukids . Did then the Kurdish Merwanid state fell down overnight from heavens
? Why to ignore the ancient kingdom of Korduene, going back probably to the 4th century
BC ?
It may seem paradoxal, a puzzle, that the names of Armenia and of the Armenians,
who are the Haïc people, are not Armenian. It is not the first time foreigners call
a nation by a name other than its own. The name of ‘Armenians’ is related to ‘Aramé’
, the Japhetic founder of Urartu in the 9th century BC, who had nothing to do with
the Haïc coming from Phrygia , several centuries later, and speaking an Indo-European
language not belonging to the Iranic family . As to the name of Armenia, it comes
, Grousset knows it (p.51), from ‘Urmeniuqini’, name of a district of Urartu, northwest
of Lake Van (area of Mush, Taron in Armenian.) This confusion between Armenia and
Urartu does not help to have a clear vision of the history of the area, and has offen,
as a consequence , to ignore the Kurds, or to marginalize their role in history,
and even to consider them as Armenians , as some modern Armenian authors did by the
beginning of the 20th century. That the Kurds of today are a large, but not a free
nation , left stateless in the aftermath of WW1, divided between four states that
are indeed not democratic, does not help to establish historical truth.
The Armenian
modern authors do not agree between themselves as to the ancient history of their
people and their relationship with the Kurds . Nicolas Adontz (1875-1942) , in his
‘Etudes arméno-byzantines’, published posthumously (Lisbonne, 1965), prefers to ignore
the Kurds. Professor H. Hyvernat , in ‘L’histoire ancienne de l’Arménie’ (Strasbourg,
1892) knows the people of Urartu did not speak the Armenian language, yet he says
the kingdom of Urartu was ‘Armenian’ . Father Joseph Sandalgian, in ‘Histoire ducumentaire
de l’Arménie’ (Roma, 1917, in 2 vol., maps), presents us an exceedingly extensive
historical Armenia, overlapping large parts of Georgia, Kurdistan, Transcausia, and
areas far to the west of the Euphrates , and including, according to him , thirteen
‘foreign nations’ . He enumerates one by one these so-called “foreign nations” and
among them , ‘the Medians and the Mards’, mentioned together as one nation ,
but ‘foreigner’ in Armenia. He knows about Mardastan , but reduces it to the dimension
of a canton. Kevork Aslan , in ‘Etudes historiques sur le peuple arménien’ (Paris,
1928 : 31-32, 85), is closer to historical reality . He says correctly Urartu was
conquered by the Medians and knows about the Median/Medic origin of the Kurds ; he
admits the Khaldi people of Urartu were to be assimilated by the Armenians and the
Kurds. K. Aslan says the presence of the Kurds in ‘historic Armenia’ , in the plateau
and the highlands of Van , and between the two branches of the Euphrates (Qara-Su
and Murad-Su) goes back to the great antiquity…There are still many hiatuses to be
filled up about the ancient relationship between the two peoples. But here is no
room in the present paper to dwell further on this historical problem , which would
need a particular research work by itself.
The Armenian kingdom lived in the shadow
of the Iranian Parthian empire (247 BC- AD 226). There will be a change under Tigranes
II ‘the Great’ of Armenia, who profited of Parthian difficulties on their eastern
border to created himself, for a period of some twenty years, a large cosmopolitan
and multinational empire , stretching from Ecbatana to Syria, as a half circle across
the mountains , including two Kurdish kingdoms, Korduene and, on its south, Adiabene,
the latter member of the Parthian federation. Allied to a Parthian and apparently
dissident governor of Azerbaijan, Tigranes committed a political mistake by offering
hospitality to Mithridates , king of Pontus and his-father-in-law, who had been defeated
and was wanted by rising Roma, after its victory at the battle of Magnesia, in 89
BC, in Asia Minor . Tigranes ruled his empire as a despot and a pompous oriental
monarch . He built himself a new capital, Tigranocerta , whose vestiges are lost,
and brought people to inhabit it by force from everywhere . He obliged king Zarbienus
of Korduene to be his vassal and used its Kurds as skilled workers to open roads
across forests, cut down trees, and build fortifications (see Rheinach , in his article
‘Les Kyrtiens’, quoted by B. Nikitine , p, 11, op.cit.) . Tigranes army itself was
heterogeneous , with proper Armenian units , a large number of Kurds under different
names according to their areas , Kurtians, Adiabeni., perhaps Mards , Medians , the
latter name being rather a global one for them, beside Arabs, and the Anatolians
of Mithridates . The Republic of Roma sent its general and Consul Lucullus , to
check Tigranes and enlarge the Roman power eastwards . Lucullus , from Antioch ,
sent an ultimatum to Tigranes , demanding to deliver him Mithridates, what he refused
. The Roman general, advancing with his army, occupied Tigranocerta , the new Armenian
capital, and had intelligence with Zarbienus, king of Korduene. Tigranes occupied
the Kurdish capital and killed its king Zarbienus ( this capital was one of the
fortified cities of Sareisa, Pinaca, or Satalca , as mentioned in the Greek-Roman
sources, probably Pinaca , present Finik, on the Upper Tigris. ) Lucullus was
soon on the spot , defeated Tigranes and organized ‘royal funerals’ for the dead
Kurdish king, calling him ‘the ally and friend of Roma’ . The body of Zarbienus was
burnt on a pyre, apparently according to the Kurdish funeral customs of the time,
in the presence of his widow and his children (see Plutarch, in Parallel Lives ,
Lucullus , LVII.). That happened in 69 BC. Lucullus spent the winter 69/68 in the
royal fortress of the Kurdish capital , where he found treasures of gold (that he
took for himself), and plenty of food and cereals for his soldiers, then he pursued
Tigranes in the large Plateau north of Lake Van , but the Armenian king avoided
any decisive battle . It was up to another Roman general, Pompey , to receive the
submission of the aging Tigranes , at Artaxata, the real Armenian capital, on the
northern bank of the Araxes River, in 66 BC . After the imperial, but ephemeral
adventure of Tigranes II , Armenia was reduced to a kind of protectorate , a kingdom
torn between the Parthian and the Roman empires.
When Lucullus was pusuing Tigranes
in the upper plateau to the north of Lake Van, in the summer heat of 68 BC , he had
to protect himself and his units against attacks by the armed horsemen of the wild
Kurdish Mard tribes, who were in their annual summer pasture highlands with their
flocks of sheep, alongside the Arsanias River (Murad-Su). The Mards , half-nomadic
in these areas, did cultivation in their winter abode , in villages found on the
slopes of the mountains to the east and north of Lake Van. On the east . their
highlands go from Van northwards to the Ararat (on today’s mountainous border between
Turkey and Iran, home of the Shakak and Jalali Kurds, with Salmas and Maku towns).
On the northern side of the Lake, the winter abode of the Mards was the slopes of
a series of mountains going northeastwards, from the Sipan-Dagh to the Ala-Dagh (called
Niphates in the Greek classics), then the volcanic Tendourek (meaning in Kurdish
oven), and then the majestic Ararat, capped with eternal snow and culminating at
5'200 m, whose slopes have been inhabited by Kurds from the Median epoch (where
the Kurdish uprising of 1927-1930 started) .These highlands to the east and north
of Lake Van were called Mardastan till the late Middle Age . At springtime, the Mards,
or rather their tribal aristocracy , used to set out with their flock to their pasture
highlands , on the Murad-Su , and even at the sources of the Araxes River (at Bingol
, to the south of Erzerum.) Tthat is the old Kurdish ‘zozan,’ beginning on the ‘Newroz’
day (New Year ), in the tradition of the Iranic nations.
In the wild Mardastan ,Lucullus
and his army had nothing to eat but the sheep of the Mards, who just defended themselves
by attacking the Roman invader (see Louis Dillemann . ‘Haute Mésopotamie orientale
et pays adjacents’, pub. by Inst. Français d’Archéologie de Beyrouth , and Librairie
Geuthner, Paris, 1962, pp. 96, 269 , with detailed maps and full references to Greek
and Roman classics, such as Plutarch, Tacitus, Strabo , Themestius , Dion Cassius.)
To
whom belongs , between the Roman and the Parthian empires , the suzerainty over the
Armenian king at Artaxata, on the northern bank of the Araxes ? Whose vassal is he
? The Armenian king had a Parthian, royal ascendance, but was he a Parthian or a
Roman client ? That was the question trusted, in AD 59 , under emperor Nero , to
general Corbulo , with full power to resolve it and settle the Roman military affairs
in the Orient . He had fought the Germans on the Rhine , with efficiency.
Corbulo
marched straight ahead into Artaxata, and levelled it to earth. He thus cut his supply
point from the north. Many Armenians were killed , or fled into the mountains. Then
he advanced southwestwards, contrary to Lucullus , on the plateau to the north of
Lake Van , the pasture highlands of the Mards , in full summertime. The legionnaires
soon found themselves short of supply and had to sustain themselves on the sheep
flock of the Mards. These were excellent mounted archers and, besides, armed with
spears, shields, and wore a helmet (according to engraving). Once more, they defended
themselves by attacking the Romans , as their fathers had done against Lucullus
. The legionnaires much suffered , and Corbulo was so weary that he sent his second
in command, general Paetus, in a punitive expedition against the Mard villages, somewhere
on the slopes of the Ala-Dagh . The presumptuous Paetus destroyed perhaps a few villages
, but he could not do more , owing to the large space occupied by the Mards in this
wilderness, and to their mobility . Besides, Corbulo had other things to do (see
L. Dillemann, op.cit. p. 284, with references to Greek-Roman classics .)
In AD. 114,
the Roman emperor Trajan led personally a campaign over three years against the
Parthians and their allies , to establish a ‘Roman order’in the Orient. According
to the Roman and Greek classical sources, and modern authors, not always convergent
, or presenting gaps, mentioned and discussed by L. Dillemann (op.cit.. pages 271-286
, with references and maps), the events of the campaign interesting us could be summed
up as follow : In 114 , following the northern road , to the north of Erzerum and
the Araxes River, the Emperor entered into Armenia without fighting, and proclaimed
it a ‘Roman province’.
One of his generals, Lusius Quietus, in his return way, had
to fight , said Dillemann, ‘the courageous Mards’, by the Arsanias River . These
northern Kurds had memory and , once more (the 3rd time since Lucullus and Corbulo),
they resisted the intrusion of a roman army in their country , the violation of
their vital space. Trajan spent the winter 114-115 in Edessa (Urfa) , where he received
an important visitor, king Manisaros of Korduene, and concluded with him a deal
. There is some divergence, and gaps, in the interpretation of the deal text (sentences
of which are quoted in Greek by Dillemann.) Manisaros recognized Armenia as a ‘Roman
province’ (with a Roman garrison ) and, apparently , he promised the Emperor not
to keep ‘his possessions in Armenia’ (which Armenia, where ?). In 115 Trajan campaigned
in ‘Upper Mesopotamia’ and, to prepare the 116 campaign , he occupied Nisibin and
mount Sinjar , belonging to the Kurdish kingdom of Adiabene, partner of the Parthians.
The king of Adiabene retreated to the mountainous and main part of his country, the
area of Arbil, on the eastern bank of the middle Tigris. Trajan spent the winter
115-116 in Antioch and, in 116 , he attained his main objective: Starting the campaign
from Nisibin , he advanced southeastwards, occupied Ctesiphon , capital of the Parthians
(ancient Babylonia, to the south of today’s Baghdad ) , and attained the Persian
Gulf . One may say, however, all these conquests were practically useless, since
the Emperor returned back to Roma in 116, and the large curve of the Euphrates River
was to be agreed upon as the frontier between the Roman and the Parthian empires.
In
the Armenian literary tradition, which begins by AD 5th century , the names of Kurd
and Median (Mar in Armenian) are synonymous and interchangeable, even in today’s
academic dictionaries (see A.K. Sanjian : ‘Colophons of Armenian manuscripts , 1301-1480
: A Source for Middle Eastern History’, Harvard, 1969). In these Armenian manuscripts
, many Kurdish princes are mentioned, called by their names; the same physical person
is said here to be a Kurd, and there, at the same page, to be a ‘Mar’(Median). These
Kurdish princes were Muslims and may be praised if they are just towards the Christians,
or the contrary, if they are unjust ; their country is often called Kurdistan, sometimes
Armenia . That depends perhaps on the area.
The Arab-Muslim classical geographers
and historians , at the Abbasid era, translated the Iranic name of ‘Kuhistan’ ,
meaning « the Country of Mountains » , as it had been used by the Sasanians (the
last pre-Islamic Iranian empire), by the Arabic word of al-Jibal , just meaning
‘The Mountains’ . At the time of the Arab Islamic conquest there were no longer
any people called « Medians » , the name having ceased to be used for about twelve
centuries earlier . This Kuhistan / al-Jibal/Mountainous Country , or just The Mountains
, used as a proper name , once the heart of ancient Media , was inhabited by the
Kurds. In other words, when the name of Medians had become obsolete , the Kurds
were found inhabiting the same country . One of these medieval Arab-Muslim geographers,
al-Ya’qoubi , who achieved his work in A.D.891 , Hijra year 218 , says « the rugged
and snowy Mountains are the homeland of the unpleasant Kurds » (in Arabic : ‘dâr
ul-Akrâd…’). Despite the unfair epithet , al-Ya’qoubi can be thanked for the precision
. Another Arab geographer, Ibn Hauqal, native of Baghdad , in his geography book
of 367 H/A.D. 978, left us a very interesting geographic definition of ‘the Mountainous
Country inhabited by the Kurds’, also corresponding to ancient Media (see Richard
N. Frye, The Golden Age of Persia , The Arabs in the East , London, 1975 :p. 11 ;
and ICV, 1988, op.cit.) . Under the Abbasids , Dar–ul-Islam , meaning the Country
of Islam was divided into several iqlîm , plural aqalim , from the Greek clime ,
one of which was Misr (Egypt) , another ash-Sham (Syria) , a third al-‘Iraq , a fourth
al-Jibal (the Mountains) , homeland of the Kurds.
Prior to the Islamic conquest ,
the Kurds were known under different names , according to the areas of their extensive
and mountainous country, then more covered with forest than today. They had, however,
a geographically continued country over which they had been ruling , sometimes within
the framework of larger empires , the same way of life, living in small fortified
towns and villages, on agriculture and breeding . They had a tribal organisation
that was to continue under Islam , and spoke a language of their own. It was the
early Arab Muslim writers , like al-Baladhuri (in Futouh al Buldan = Conquest of
the Countries), who called the Kurds by one of their old different names, Kurd (plural
Akrâd )for the old Kurti (instead of Median , Adiabeni, Azeri or the like). In a
way, the Kurds owe the Arabs to be called by one of their pre-Islamic names , and
to be seen as one people, that of the mountains . The Greeks too had different names,
including Hellens , before being called by their present name. The very perceptive
Arab historian al-Mas’oudi, in his ‘Golden Medows’, distinguishes between Farsi
(Persian) and Kurdish , and knows the latter was divided into dialects (See my
paper under ICV, ‘Le Déplacement du pays kurde vers l’ouest, X°-XV° siècles : Etude
de géographie et de sociologie historique’, published in Actes du 29° Congrès international
des Orientalistes , section ‘Iran moderne’ , vol.I , Paris , 1973-1976 . This paper
is full with references to Arab geographers and historians , but I am no longer in
agreement with myself about the extent of northwestern Kurdistan, presently in Turkey
, result of an unhappy sentence.)
The main Arabo/Muslim medieval geographers were
edited , and annoted , in Arabic, by the Dutch M.J. De Goeje, in the second half
of the 19° cent. , in the series Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum (BGA) , Brill,
Leiden . The British Guy Le Strange , in his scholarly work The Lands of the Eastern
Caliphate , Cambridge , 1905, proves to be a useful author for the comprehension
of the toponymy of the Abbasid lands , which has changed since.
If the Kurds are entitled
to claim the heritage of Media -- as well as that of the Manneans , who were contemporary
with the Median rise -- , they are not less entitled to claim the more ancient heritage
of the Hurrians and the Mitannians, of the Khaldi (Urartians ) - together with the
Armenians - , of the Gutians, the Lullubians, the Kassi, and the highlanders of
Elam , other ancient mountain peoples of the Zagros, mentioned in the Assyrian/Mesopotamian
records and their own, and supposed to be autochthonous . The Kurds have been constituted
as a people age after age , in their country . Their heritage embraces all the legacy
of Kurdistan . In their mountain fastness they resisted foreign invaders , or finished
by absorbing them..
In the 12th century sultan Sinjar of Persia, who ruled from the
Hijra year 511 to 548/ AD 1118-1153, created a large province of Kurdistan in the
clime of al-Jibal , former Kuhistan, with Bahar as capital (now in ruins, near
Hamadan). Sinjar’s Kurdistan included the following areas : today’s provinces (ostan)
of Kurdistan (with Sine or Sanandaj as provincial capital), the ostan of Kirmanshah
, parts of the ostan of Hamadan, the governorate of Ilam, and a northern part of
the ostan of Luristam . At that time , the Lurs and Luristan (Luri-Pichuk ) and the
Bakhtiyaris (Luri-Buzurg) were also considered as Kurds (see Yaqut’s Mo’jam al Buldan,
under articles al-Lur and al-Luriyeh ) . Sinjar’s Kurdistan , despite wars and invasions,
has remained almost as it was created in the 12th century, but it was to be dismembered
under Riza shah, in the early 1920s.
In the oriental medieval historiography , we
have other examples of a country called Kurdistan . In AD. 1387 , the Tatar invader
Timur-Lang besieged the citadel of Van, which was kept and defended by the Kurdish
king Izzeddin , belonging to the Kurdish Hakkari dynasty. Despite a long siege, Timur-Lang
did not succeed forcing the stronghold. But knowing the fearful reputation of the
besieger, Izzeddin thought it was safer to talk with Timur-Lang : he presented him
due submission, according to the customs of the epoch . Timur-Lang was so satisfied
that he raised the siege on Van and bestowed on king Izzeddin “the government of
all Kurdistan” (the vilayet of all Kurdistan) . This episode is mentioned by the
Persian historian Sharafaddin Ali Yazdi , in his book ‘Zafar-nama’ on the victories
of Timur-Lang (pub. in Persian in Calcutta, 1887 , series Bibliotheca Indica ; the
same Zafar-Nama was pub. in French translation, under the title ‘Histoire de Timur-Bec’
, by F.P. de La Croix, Paris, 1722, see on the siege of Van , tome 1 , pages 417-420
. ) Between Van and Kirmanshah there is indeed a long distance, yet we are still
in the Kurdish country.
In AD. 1032 the Kurdish Merwanid prince Nasr-ad-Daula, Lord
of Farqin (present Silvan) and Diyarbekir, whose lands reached the sources of the
Araxes River, sent an army of 5000 horsemen, under the command of the raïs (general)
Bal , to take the town of Urfa (also called Ruha or Edessa) from Arab tribes supported
by Byzantium. The Kurdish commander Bal took the city and killed the Arab tribal
chief, then he wrote to his lord Nasr-ad-Daula asking for reinforcements “if you
want to save your Lordship on Kertastan.” .This episode is written by the Armenian
chronicler Mathieu d’Edesse , native of Edessa, who finished his chronicle , in Armenian
, in 1036. The chronicle was publishd in French translation by Ed. Dulaurier, Paris,
1858 (see pp. 46-52 on Urfa) . The name of Kertastan , obviously for Kurdistan ,
is it a corruption by the Armenian chronicler, or by the French translator ? We are
here, in AD. 1032, about one century before the creation by sultan Sinjar of the
province of Kurdistan in the Zagros mountains.. The town of Urfa had actually a mixed
population , as Diyarbekir itself at that time , but the countryside was Kurdish
. Let us add that the Kurdish Merwanid rulers had often a good relationship, and
sometimes due alliance, with the Byzantine emperors (see on the history of the Merwanids
: ‘Tarikh al-Fariqi’ , written in Arabic by a citizen of Farqin, just after the fall
of the Merwanids) . The Kurdish Shaddadi rulers in Armenia and Transcaucasia had
also good relationship with Byzantium (see below).
Sultan Sinjar’s Kurdistan did
not include Azerbaijan , which was also known as “Media Minor”, or Atropatenian .Yet
the presence of the Kurds in Azerbaijan, and in Armenia, is attested from ancient
times . Whence the Armenian equation : “Mar = Median = Kurd” . Moses of Khoren ,
who would have lived in AD 5th century, author of a History of Armenia (full with
legends and anachronism) , and considered as “the father of the Armenian historians’
(but not by all), refers to the Mar/Medians/Kurds as neighbours on the slopes of
the Ararat , or prisoners of Armenia . Vladimir Minorsky , in his book ‘Studies
in Caucasian History’ (London, 1953, p.127) , writes about Khoren and his Mar=Medians
on the slopes of the Ararat : “There is no doubt that the term Mar (Medians) refers
to the Kurds. In the time of Moses of Khoren there were no Medians in existence
, but even now the Kurds continue to occupy the slopes of the Ararat . In the curious
Armenian manuscript containing samples of alphabets and languages, written some time
before AD 1446, a prayer in Kurdish figures as a specimen of ‘the language of the
Medians(Mar)’ and such a use of the term is still attested in dictionaries”. Minorsky
has published the text of this Kurdish-”Median” prayer (in ‘Bulletin du Centre
d’Etudes kurdes’, No.10, Paris, 1950) : It is a short Christian prayer in North-Kurmanji
Kurdish, hardly different from the language of today . The Armenian name of ‘Mar’,
for the ancient Medians and the Kurds, should be derived from that of ‘Mard’,
the name of these northern Kurds who occupied, among other highlands, the slopes
of the Ararat and were the closest neighbours of the Armenians .
As said above ,
the Haic Armenians , who had their early kingdom, all their successive capitals
and the residence of the Armenian church, on the northern bank of the Araxes River
and its northern tributaries, were not to be limited to this area . At different
epochs their restless and combative feudal aristocracy settled elsewhere , including
in Kurdish areas. An enlarged Armenia was recognized as a vassal state by the Abbasid
caliphate , to which it had to pay an annual tribute. A new Armenia was even to
be created in the Byzantine province of Cilicia, which was to be paid for the passage
of the Crusaders (See J. Laurent , ‘L’Arménie entre Byzance à L’Islam, depuis la
conquête arabe jusqu’en 886’ , Paris, 1919) . In the enlarged Armenia , vassal under
the caliphate , says J. Laurent (p. 2-3) , the Armenian feudality “did not assimilate
the non-Armenians who were under its power” ; besides, this “Arab Armenia” , adds
Laurent (pp. 83-128) was torn between several Armenian aristocratic dynasties , the
Bagratounis (Bagratids), the Mamikonians, the Rechtounis , and the Ardzrounis .
The
Ardzrouni nobility took the town of Van, possibly in the 9th century, from the Kurdish
Mards and created in this part of former Mardastan an Armenian principality called
Vaspourakan , whose history was written by Thoma Ardzrouni , member of the governing
family, in the 10th century, on the demand of its chief, prince Grigor .
We owe M.
Brosset , French orientalist working at Saint-Petersburg under the aegis of the Imperial
Academy of Sciences of Russia, the translation into French and the annotation of
a series of Armenian authors, who wrote in Armenian , from the 10th to the 17th
centuries. One of them is Thoma Ardzrouni (‘Histoire des Ardzrouni’ , in ‘Collection
d’historiens arméniens’ , vol. 1 , St-Petersburg, 1874.) A few points mentioned
by the Armenian author, and commented or annoted by Brosset, should be mentioned.
The author brings more information than Khoren on the Mar (Kurds) as inhabiting not
only the slopes of the Ararat, but also the area of Nakhchevan (Golten in Armenian).
When the author speaks of an area called ‘Tmorik’ in Armenian, Brosset (p. 34) explains
it is a ‘Kurdish Armenia’ (Arménie kourde). The construction of “the marvellous
, wonderful city of Akhtamar”, says the author (p.239, speaking of the small island
in the Lake, near Van) is due to the prince Kagik of Vaspourakan , “who had reduced
the Mar (Kurdish Mards) to silence.” This is an indication that Vaspourakan was
a part of former Mardastan, and that the Akhtamar Armenian building , indeed a
master piece of Christian architecture, was built at a previously Kurdish Mard place
.
In the same series of Armenian historians translated and annoted by Brosset , we
find Arakel de Tauriz (Tabris) , author of ‘Livre d’histoires’, who lived in the
17th century . For him too, the Mars (Medians) and the Kurds are the same people
By the end of the 9th century the power of the Abbasid caliphate was shrinking to
be confined in Arab Iraq. The Arabs who, just after the Islamic conquest, established
with their families as Lords among the Kurds or the Persians, had been assimilated
by their human environment . As an example the Arab family of Abu Dulaf who came
from Kufa or Basra with the Islamic conquest and established among the Kurds in the
so-called area of “Iraq Ajami” (southeast of Hamadan, today no longer Kurdish) ,
was assimilated by the Kurds. Real power in Persia and Kurdistan was in the hands
of local non-Arab Muslim dynasties . In Azerbaijan , two Iranic speaking peoples,
on one hands the Daylams, mountenaineers from the south of the Caspian, who fought
on feet, and on the other hand the Kurds, who were horsemen , disputed power in Tabriz
.
The medieval Shaddadi Kurds , who were Muslims , crossed the Araxes River most
probably from Azerbaijan and ruled over the area called by the Russians Eeastern
Transcaucasia , between the Araxes and the Kur Rivers , that is present-day Armenia
and most of later Russian Azerbaijan . They ruled as sovereigns , without taking
the title of kings, and had branches , one at Ganja (former Elizabethpol, now depending
on Baku) , another at Dvin (Duwain in Arab sources) , ancient capital of Armenia.
A later branch of the dynasty ruled in Ani, another former Armenian capital. Professor
V. Minorsky , who consecrates the essential of his scholarly ‘Studies in Caucasian
History’ (op.cit.) to shed light on the history of the Shaddadid Kurds, says in
the introduction to this work : “The Shaddadids are intersting because in their
warlike and peaceful activities they came into close contact with their Christian
neighbours, the Armenians and the Georgians, and with various northern invaders,
including the Alans and the Russians (…). The second point is that the Shaddadids
became involved in world politics at a moment when the Byzantine emperors were nervously
seeking to secure their positions in Armenia and Transcaucasia, while from the East
there was rising the tidal wave of the Turkish invasion which was to change the
whole aspect of the Near East. Finally, the Kurdish Shaddadids were one of the manifestations
of the Iranian ‘interlude’ – a short but highly significant epoch between the periods
of Arab and Turkish domination.”
Another manifestation of what Minorsky calls the
“Iranian interlude” , that I would rather call a Kurdish interlude (account being
made of the role of Saladin and the Ayyubid Kurds), is represented by the Kurdish
Merwanid state in northern Kurdistan , heir to ancient Korduene mentioned above.
In 524 H/ AD 1130 , the Kurdish Shaddadi prince Fadlun III of Dvin lost his life
before an attack by a Turkic raider, while he was defending his capital city of Dvin,
still for the most inhabited by Armenians. One of his Kurdish generals , Shadi son
of Merwan , born in the Kurdish village of Ajdanakan , near Dvin , unhappy because
of the death of has master Fadlun (Minorsky, 1953) , left Armenia with his two sons,
Ayyoub and Sherkuh , seeking Baghdad, where he had friends serving the Abbasid caliph
. Shadi was made ‘dizdar’ (commander of a fortress) of Tikrit, in Iraq . He died
in Tikrit and his eldest son, Ayyoub, succeeded him as dizdar. Salaheddin Yusuf ,
son of Ayyoub, was born in Tikrit in 1138. This Salaheddin, son of a Kurdish émigré,
says Minorsky , was to become “the mightiest king of Islam” (Saladin).
The Kurds owe
a lot to professor Minorsky , but I would allow myself to be in disagreement with
him when , in the chapter “Prehistory of Saladin” of the same1953 book, he thinks
that Saladin’s grand-father, Shadi, is a Kurd descending from an Arab Omeyyad governor
of Tabriz, named Rawwâd, who had governed two centuries earlier and whose descendence
had, meanwhile, become Kurds under the corrupted Kurdish name of Râwand . We have
cases of Arabs established among Kurds , or Persians, who, with time, became Kurds,
or Persians, as the family Abu Dulaf mentioned above, but not in the case of Rawwâd
.
The name Râwand is a Kurdish and pre-Islamic name and has nothing to do with Rawwâd.
In Ibn Khallikan , Saladin’s ancestry belonged to the Rawâdi Kurds, but in the Sharafnama
, they belonged to the Râwendi Kurds. The latter is the correct one . We have in
the toponymy of the area and in the classical Roman literature enough evidence to
affirm it .
We have had , above , some news about the Kurdish Korduene kingdom ,
constitued apparently in the 4th century BC , on the upper Tigris, which extended
westwards beyond the Euphrates . We know that, under Islam, the Kurdish Merwanid
state occupied almost the same area and was, in a way, heir to ancient Korduene .
We have had a few information on the kingdom of Adiabene , to the southeast of
Korduene, and member of the Parthian federation . It covered present day Badinan,
Mosul, the area around Mount Sinjar, Arbil , which was its capital , and its area
, perhaps part , if not all of the area of Sulaimaniya (the city itself is modern,
built in 1199 H /AD 1784).
Adiabene is an old pre-Islamic name , a kingdom inhabited
by Kurds who lived mainly on breeding and cultivation, partially city-dwellers, as
in Arbil . Socially speaking , they were a confederation of semi-nomadic tribes of
horsemen, whose aristocracy lived in fortresses . Judaism, then Christianity penetrated
into the city of Arbil, but one may presume that the Kurdish tribal aristocracy kept
faithful to Mazdaism .
At springtime , the Kurdish Adiabene tribes , or rather their
ruling aristocracy , leaving their millenary-old peasantry , of unknown ascendance
, busy with cultivation, used to leave their lower strongholds with their flock
to their pasture highlands . This is the old Kurdish ‘zozan’ , that even city-dweller
Kurds with no flock still practice each ‘Newroz’, the Iranian and Kurdish new year
on the 21st of March , to have communion with a blossoming nature. In these annual
displacements , the Adiabene tribes used to follow a leading and paramount tribe
of theirs called ‘Râwend’, an old pre-Islamic name. The Râwand , or Râvend, left
their name to Râwendiz a name constituted of : Râwend + diz (citadel), meaning
in ancient Kurdish ‘the citadel of the Râwend’. This name still designates nowadays
a small mountain Kurdish town , with an old citadel ( that I visited), in Iraqi Kurdistan,
northeast of Arbil, on the way leading to Azerbaijan and the pasture highlands. After
the Islamic conquest , the name of the Adiabene Kurdish tribes was corrupted into
Hadhbani Kurds, in the same way as the Median Amadana town has been called Hamadhan
. Besides , in the classical Muslim authors there are two ‘Râwendiz’ , the one we
have seen , northeast of Arbil , and ‘the Rawendiz of Maragha’, in Azerbaijan, the
pasture highlands of the Râwend. In the geographical dictionary of Yaqut , Mo’jam
al-Buldan (ed. in Arabic by the German F. Wüstenfeld), the Muslim classical author
says : “It is reported that Rawendiz of Mosul is an old town built by Biurasf the
Great, son of Azdahak..” We are here in the field of the mythical Iranian kings
, to tell how old Rawendiz is .
We do not need to have recourse to Iranian legends
of old to tell how old the name of Rawendiz is . The Romam historian Pliny the Elder
, who lived in the 1st century (circa 23-79) , mentions in his work entitled Natural
History, four Kurdish tribes in Azerbaijan : The Aloni , Anzone , Silici, and the
Orontes . The British author H.C. Rawlinson, in his paper entitled ‘Memoir on the
Site of the Atropatenian Ecbatana’ (pub. in JRGS, vol. x, 1840 : pages 73 ff ) ,
referring to Pliny and his Kurdish tribes in Azerbaijan , says the name of the fourth
one , the Orontes , is a Western corruption of the old Kurdish tribal name of Rawend
(Persian form : Arwand .) Rawlinson adds that even at his time, in 1840 , there
was a Kurdish tribe still named Rawend in Azerbaijan.
Before the Saljukid danger
, Byzantium preferred to rely on the Kurdish Muslim principalities and to obtain
from the Armenian nobility to abandon its possessions in the East for honours at
Constantinople. In 1021 , that is what emperor Basil II obtained from the Armenian
Ardzrouni dynasty of Van , the end of the principality of Vaspourakan for a golden
life at the Byzantine capital. In 1042 , emperor Constantine Monomach concluded an
official treaty , under the imperial Golden Bull, with the Kurdish Shaddadi Abul
–Aswar , prince of Dvin , in Armenia, encouraging him to invade the territory of
Ani , what he did (see Minorsky, 1953 : 52-54). It seems that some Armenian families
preferred the Islamic faith to the golden exile at the Bosporus .
In 1514, the battle
of Chaldiran, in northern Kurdistan (not far from the northeasten edge of Lake Van),
opposed the Ottomam sultan Selim 1st , and with him, in his camp, most of the princes
of Kurdistan, who had joined him with their own forces , to the Safavid shah Ismail
of Persia , who was defeated . The sultan was so satisfied that , in 1515 , he
sent his Kurdish counsellor , Idris Bitlisi al-Hakim (The Wise), to travel across
Kurdistan in order to receive the loyalty of the Kurdish princes to the Ottoman sultan,
in exchange of the recognition by the sultan of their hereditary power on their own
principalities and their possessions. Sultan Selim had signed in advance firmans
(royal Islamic acts ) to this effect , to be filled up by Idris Bitlisi for each
of the princes . Von Hammer , the Austrian author of ‘History of the Ottoman Empire’
(who lived in the 19th century , but whose history on the Ottomans remains a reference
work) , writes with this respect : “Idris Bitlisi was asked by the sultan to travel
and receive the oath of loyalty from the princes and beys of all the country inhabited
by the Kurds, from the coast of Lake Urmia , which is the extreme oriental frontier
of Kurdistan, till Malatya, its western frontier” (see the French translation of
von Hammer, ‘Histoire de l’Empire ottoman’ , tome IV, 223-224). At this latitude
, the borders of the Kurdish country extends indeed from the coast of Lake Urmia
to Malataya. With Malatya, we are not far from Zara, on the Kizil-Irmak. Nothing
has changed since 1515 . Yet a lot was to change with the advent of Mustafa Kemal
and the Turkish Republic. Part – 2